Chapter 154: The Choice of Paths
Joseph couldn't help but feel perplexed. "How did it come to this?" he wondered.
"Indeed, even in a country as grand as this one, there are flaws," Joseph thought to himself, "This Temo, a natural mage worse than the invaders, should be the least of our concerns."
"In fact, many nobles have joined our uprising because they feel that the Russian laws oppress the peasants too much," Dombrowski, with a resigned tone, made it clear.
"But Mr. Bonaparte, Vebitzki told me something different," Joseph countered.
"Mr. Bonaparte, Vebitzki... He's a man of the city. He left Poland early, spending more time in France and Italy than in Poland. Some things, I doubt he truly understands," Dombrowski responded.Visit no(v)eLb(i)n.com for the best novel reading experience
"Polish serfs and the common people didn't directly join your enemies, unlike the peasants in Sardinia. That, in itself, is a miracle. But, look at your troops. What kind of people are they? They don't even know what their own country looks like, yet they are part of the leadership. It's like a child trying to bake bread," Joseph pondered internally while saying, "If that's the case, Mr. Dombrowski, your cause will face many challenges. Now, let me ask you a question."
"Please, go ahead," Dombrowski hurriedly responded.
"Who do you plan to rely on to rebuild the nation in the future? Will it be the nobility or the common folk? Which path will you choose?" Joseph inquired.
"What's the difference between these two paths?" Dombrowski asked.
Interestingly, the majority were mainly Polish natives, while the minority were primarily long-term students who had been influenced by France. However, they might not have fully grasped the situation in Poland itself.
It is said that when the formal split occurred, Vebitzki, representing the latter faction, shook hands with Dombrowski, who had sided with the "reactionary feudal aristocracy," saying, "Yang, this is our final handshake. We cannot reconcile our differences. We'll meet on the battlefield from now on."
As a result, the Polish group that had come together was divided into two separate groups, each learning different tactics.
The Dombrowski faction, strictly speaking, didn't entirely support the reactionary nobility. Many in their faction, like Dombrowski himself, hoped for a so-called "third path." Since Joseph hadn't pointed out this third path, they spent two days brainstorming and developed a so-called "new path."
Their main focus was on learning various assassination techniques because their envisioned "new path" involved continually increasing the cost of direct Russian, Prussian, and Austrian rule in Poland through "low-cost" resistance. This strategy aimed to force these foreign powers to adopt a more indirect rule, granting some rights to the Polish people, eventually achieving Polish autonomy, and accumulating power gradually. Perhaps if the world underwent significant changes in the future even though Joseph had mentioned that Poland was not included in France's peace demands if other nations were significantly weakened by then, Poland might have an opportunity.
However, Dombrowski knew that if Poland didn't reform, even if it temporarily regained independence, its future would be bleak. But once Poland was independent, the nobles were not entirely unreasonable. They might agree to reforms, such as land issues that could be addressed through state redemption and social reforms that could be introduced gradually. Just as Russia, a backward feudal nation, had become a powerful nation through the reforms of Peter the Great and Catherine the Great. Therefore, it seemed that the third path was indeed viable, while the French approach was...
On the other hand, Vebitzki's faction believed that Dombrowski's so-called "third path" was fundamentally about preserving the interests of the reactionary feudal nobility, perpetuating their oppression of the Polish people. The promised "reforms in the future" were nothing more than self-deception. If they couldn't muster the determination to reform in the face of the nation's extinction, how could they reform after regaining independence? Pursuing "autonomy" first meant colluding with the invaders, essentially being traitors to the country! Supporting those nobles who would harm the nation for their own interests was akin to being lapdogs to traitors! Therefore, Vebitzki's faction believed that for a successful Polish revolution, not only should the nobles be sent to the guillotine but also their lackeys.
Vebitzki's faction was smaller in number, but their learning tasks were more substantial. In addition to learning various surveillance and counter-surveillance techniques, they had to study organization building and propaganda. Joseph even arranged for them to intern in Italy, assisting Napoleon's Italian legion in constructing "democratic autonomous zones" in the controlled areas. Training in various combat tactics took a backseat. Nonetheless, Joseph didn't have high hopes for the future of either of these two factions.
"But it doesn't matter; they are all just cannon fodder," he thought.
So, the Poles settled into the training camp, but a significant schism had occurred among them. As for the future consequences, well, in Poland, they experienced widespread and profound struggles. Joseph later humorously quoted a saying: "I came not to bring peace but a sword. For I have come to set a man against his father, a daughter against her mother, and a daughter-in-law against her mother-in-law. A man's enemies will be the members of his own household." At least in Poland, he had indeed achieved this.
